31 C 
Digital Desk | New Delhi, Oct 7 (IANS) Vice President C.P. Radhakrishnan on Wednesday extended heartfelt greetings to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on completing 25 years of service as the head of government, and said that the greatest achievement of his leadership is liberating 25 crore people from extreme poverty, calling it a landmark historical achievement that human history can never forget. Taking to X, the Vice President said, Heartiest greetings and warm wishes to Hon'ble Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Ji on completing 25 years of service to the Nation as Head of Government. Your journey as Pradhan Sevak has transformed the vision of inclusive development into a nationwide mission, guided by Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayaas. Across my visits to States and Union Territories, VP Radhakrishnan said he has witnessed India's visible transformation through improved connectivity, digital advancement, expanding opportunities and inclusive development. The greatest achievement of your visionary leadership is liberating 25 crore people from extreme poverty. It is a landmark historical achievement that human history can never forget, he said. May the Almighty bless you with good health, happiness and strength as you continue to serve Bharat on its journey towards an inclusive, prosperous and Viksit Bharat by 2047, the Vice President added. Prime Minister Narendra Modi marks 25 years of uninterrupted leadership as head of government, beginning with his oath as Gujarat Chief Minister on October 7, 2001, and continuing through three terms as Prime Minister of India. In October 2001, PM Modi was chosen to replace Keshubhai Patel as Gujarat Chief Minister at a difficult time for the state, which was still dealing with the aftermath of the devastating Bhuj earthquake as well as political and administrative challenges. He remained Chief Minister until 2014 before moving to national politics. PM Modi's tenure has also been marked by an expanded international profile for India, with the government pursuing greater diplomatic engagement, stronger relations with major powers and a prominent role for India in the Global South.
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Peoples Conference - Riddled With Conflicting Narratives
The Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Conference presents one of the more intriguing contradictions of contemporary Kashmir politics. Its chairman, Sajad Gani Lone, is articulate, politically experienced and often forceful in raising issues in the Legislative Assembly and outside it. Yet the larger political journey of the Peoples Conference raises an unavoidable question: what exactly does the party stand for beyond the political positions articulated by its leader at a particular moment? This question assumes importance because political credibility is built not merely by attacking one's opponents but by maintaining consistency in one's own political journey. In the case of the Peoples Conference, its alliances, constitutional positions and political narratives have changed considerably over time. Sajad Lone has travelled through markedly different phases of Kashmir politicsfrom separatist politics to participation in democratic elections, cooperation with the BJP, participation in the People's Alliance for Gupkar Declaration, withdrawal from that alliance, and subsequently attempts to construct another political front. Political evolution is neither unusual nor inherently objectionable. Democracy allows leaders to reconsider earlier positions. The difficulty begins when successive changes are not connected by a sufficiently clear and consistent political philosophy. That is perhaps the central problem confronting the Peoples Conference today. A Party Increasingly Identified With One Leader The Peoples Conference has increasingly become synonymous with Sajad Lone himself. He is its most recognisable face, principal strategist and dominant public voice. This gives the party visibility, but it also creates a structural weakness: political organisations need an identity larger than the personality of their leader. The 2024 Assembly election illustrates the limits of the party's electoral reach. Lone won Handwara with 29,812 votes against National Conference candidate Chowdry Mohammad Ramzan's 29,150a margin of only 662 votes. Lone simultaneously contested Kupwara, where the result was substantially different. PDP candidate Mir Mohammad Fayaz secured 27,773 votes, National Conference candidate Nasir Aslam Wani received 17,976, while Lone finished third with 7,457 votes. These results do not diminish Lone's individual political importance. But they provide useful perspective when assessing claims about the Peoples Conference emerging as a major alternative political force across Kashmir. The political challenge is therefore not merely expanding the party geographically. It is converting the visibility of Sajad Lone into a sustainable organisation with an identifiable second line of leadership and a coherent programme capable of surviving independently of its chairman's personal interventions. From BJP Cooperation to Post-2019 Constitutional Politics Perhaps the most difficult aspect of Lone's political narrative concerns his relationship with the BJP. The Peoples Conference participated in the PDP-BJP coalition era, and Lone himself served as a minister in that government. Cooperation between parties of different ideological persuasions is entirely legitimate in a democracy. Coalition politics often requires accommodation. But political history cannot simply disappear when circumstances change. The same political leader who had once worked within a governmental arrangement involving the BJP subsequently emerged as a strong critic of the constitutional changes undertaken by the BJP-led Union Government in August 2019. Again, changing one's position is politically permissible. The question is whether the transition is adequately explained. A voter is entitled to ask: what principle governed the earlier cooperation? What changed subsequently? Which political convictions remained constant through both phases? Without clear answers, political evolution risks appearing less like ideological development and more like adjustment to changing circumstances. The Gupkar Experiment And Its Collapse After August 2019, the Peoples Conference joined other Kashmir-based parties in the People's Alliance for Gupkar Declaration. The alliance brought together political organisations with substantial historical differences around opposition to the constitutional changes affecting Jammu and Kashmir. But that political unity did not last. Following the District Development Council elections, Lone withdrew the Peoples Conference from the alliance, citing a breach of trust between partners. The episode is significant because it demonstrates a recurring problem in Lone's politics: alliances are constructed around immediate political objectives but subsequently become difficult to sustain when electoral interests collide. There is nothing inherently wrong with leaving an alliance when political confidence disappears. Yet repeated alliance formation and dissolution eventually raises a larger question about political strategy. Is the objective to build a durable political alternative, or merely to construct temporary arrangements against whichever political adversary dominates at a particular moment? Another Alliance, Another Fracture The same difficulty became visible again with the creation of the People's Alliance for Change. In 2025, the Peoples Conference joined Hakeem Yasin's Peoples Democratic Front and the Justice and Development Front in announcing a new political arrangement intended to provide an alternative to established political forces. The alliance was politically interesting because its constituents came from substantially different backgrounds. Lone acknowledged ideological differences while arguing that common ground could nevertheless permit cooperation. That proposition was reasonable. But the durability of the experiment soon came into question. Disagreements emerged around the Justice and Development Front and its relationship with former Jamaat-e-Islami figures. Subsequently, the JDF withdrew from the alliance amid disagreement surrounding the Budgam by-election. Thus another political arrangement intended to represent an alternative encountered serious difficulties before it could mature into a stable political platform. The pattern deserves examination. The Peoples Conference joined the Gupkar alliance and left it. It subsequently participated in another alternative political alliance, which itself encountered an early fracture. When political formations repeatedly emerge and unravel, the problem cannot always be explained entirely by the conduct of alliance partners. At some stage, questions must also be asked about the political architecture upon which such alliances are being constructed. Article 370 Versus Statehood Sajad Lone has recently positioned himself as a particularly strong critic of the National Conference's emphasis upon restoration of statehood. He has argued that Article 370 and Article 35A cannot simply disappear from the constitutional conversation and has accused the National Conference of attempting to reduce the larger post-2019 constitutional question to statehood. That argument deserves democratic consideration. But it also invites scrutiny of Lone's own roadmap. If Article 370 is the principal constitutional objective, what precisely is the realistic institutional mechanism through which the Peoples Conference proposes to restore it? Political criticism is comparatively easy. Political alternatives require details. What legislation does it propose? What parliamentary strategy does it envisage? What constitutional route does it advocate? How does it propose to create national political support for that objective? Without answers to these questions, Article 370 risks becoming another rhetorical instrument rather than a defined political programme. The National Conference can legitimately be questioned about the distance between its 2024 manifesto and subsequent emphasis upon statehood. But the Peoples Conference cannot establish itself as an alternative merely by demonstrating contradictions in the National Conference. It must explain its own constitutional strategy. The 'Amicable Divorce' Narrative Perhaps one of Lone's most striking interventions has been his suggestion of an amicable divorce between Jammu and Kashmir regions. This raises profound questions about the consistency of the Peoples Conference's constitutional narrative. If the political objective is restoration of the constitutional position that existed before August 2019, then what exactly is the territorial entity whose constitutional position is sought to be restored? If Jammu and Kashmir should separate politically or administratively, how does that proposition coexist with arguments based upon restoration of the historical constitutional identity of the former state? The two ideas are not necessarily impossible to reconcile, but reconciliation requires detailed explanation. This is precisely where provocative political formulations can become problematic. A dramatic phrase can dominate headlines for several days. But political parties seeking governmental responsibility have to think beyond headlines. The relationship between Jammu and Kashmir regions involves history, demography, constitutional arrangements, economic interdependence and complex political interests. It cannot easily be reduced to the language of divorce. Opposition Cannot Become an Ideology Sajad Lone has emerged as one of the more vocal critics of the Omar Abdullah government. He has raised issues concerning reservation, Article 370, statehood, police verification and the controversial 1987 Assembly election. Most recently, Lone questioned regional disparities in EWS certificates. Reporting on the Assembly proceedings records his argument that approximately 92 per cent of EWS certificates had gone to Jammu and around 8 per cent to Kashmir, while other poverty indicators suggested a different regional distribution. These are legitimate matters for legislative scrutiny. But raising questions and building a political alternative are two different things. The Peoples Conference cannot define itself permanently by what is wrong with the National Conference. Being anti-NC is not an economic programme. Criticising Omar Abdullah is not an employment policy. Questioning statehood politics is not a constitutional roadmap. Raising reservation concerns is not by itself a comprehensive youth policy. A party aspiring to become an alternative government ultimately has to explain what it would actually do differently. The Lone-Centric Political Model The deeper difficulty may therefore lie in the highly personalised nature of the Peoples Conference. Lone's political interventions frequently generate attention because he is capable of framing issues sharply. But the dominance of one individual also means that each new statement can effectively become the party's political narrative. That creates instability. Institutional political parties normally develop positions through manifestos, resolutions, policy documents and collective leadership. Their ideology provides continuity even when individual leaders modify rhetoric. Where the leader and the party become virtually indistinguishable, however, every change in emphasis by the leader risks becoming a change in the perceived identity of the organisation itself. This is why the Peoples Conference requires more than aggressive opposition politics. It requires institutional depth. The Electoral Reality The 2024 results also counsel political perspective. Lone retained Handwara, but only by 662 votes. In Kupwara, where he simultaneously sought election, he finished third with 7,457 votes against the winner's 27,773. Those figures are factual electoral results, not a prediction about the party's future. They nevertheless demonstrate the scale of the organisational task confronting any attempt to transform the Peoples Conference into a broad political alternative. Media visibility and electoral penetration are not synonymous. A politician may dominate political conversation without his organisation possessing corresponding geographical depth. The real test for the Peoples Conference therefore lies outside television studios, press conferences and Assembly exchanges. It lies in organisational expansion, cadre development, constituency-level leadership and the ability to present voters with a recognisable political programme. From Reaction to Proposition Sajad Lone undoubtedly possesses political experience and the ability to raise uncomfortable questions. A competitive democracy benefits when governments face rigorous scrutiny. But scrutiny alone cannot constitute an alternative government. The Peoples Conference must eventually answer a simple question: What is its positive political proposition for Jammu and Kashmir? If it supports restoration of Article 370, it should articulate the constitutional roadmap. If it wants statehood, it should explain where that demand stands relative to Article 370. If it believes Jammu and Kashmir regions should reconsider their political relationship, it should explain the constitutional, economic and social consequences. If it seeks alliances, it should articulate the ideological minimum binding those alliances together. If it wishes to replace the traditional political parties, it must offer something more substantial than criticism of those parties. And if it wants to become a genuinely broad political organisation, it must develop an identity extending beyond Sajad Lone himself. The central difficulty confronting the Peoples Conference is therefore not the absence of political activity. Nor is it the absence of an articulate leader. It is the absence of sufficient continuity between its different political phases. From engagement with the BJP to participation in the Gupkar alliance; from leaving that alliance to constructing another; from demanding restoration of the pre-2019 constitutional arrangement to discussing an amicable divorce between Jammu and Kashmir; and from challenging traditional political parties to struggling to broaden its own electoral footprintthe Peoples Conference has travelled through several political narratives. Political positions can change. Alliances can change. Strategies can change. But a political party seeking enduring public confidence requires one element that cannot constantly change: a clearly identifiable political compass. Sajad Lone's greatest political challenge, therefore, may not be defeating the National Conference, the PDP or any other opponent. It may be convincing the electorate that beneath the changing alliances, confrontational statements and shifting political circumstances lies a consistent political project. Until that clarity emerges, the Peoples Conference risks remaining a party with a highly visible leader and many political narrativesbut without one sufficiently settled narrative defining exactly where it wants to take Jammu and Kashmir. (Advocate Sunil Sethi is BJP J&K Chief Spokesperson, and Altaf Thakur is BJP J&K Spokesperson)
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Tripura tribal bodies' poll results prove people reject CPI (M)-Congress ideology: CM Saha
Digital Desk | Agartala, Oct 6 (IANS) Tripura Chief Minister Manik Saha said on Tuesday that the people of the state were not ready to accept the CPI-M, Congress or their ideology, which, he said, had once again been proved by the results of the recent Village Committee (VC) elections. Saha said he had earlier predicted that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would win more than 90 per cent of the seats in the elections, and the results had proved his assessment correct. We are being told repeatedly here that we have worked as we have done before. We went to the elections and got more than what we expected. This is good for Tripura, and in the future, we hope that we will work together in the plains and hills and for the development of Tripura, he told the media. He added that the opposition parties should introspect and understand why they had suffered such a setback in the elections. I will tell the Opposition the same thing again and again: they need to think about why this is happening to them. So, of course, their thinking or the ideology they believe in -- that people will not accept you in any situation -- has been proven. It is being proven again and again. So, it is their business; they will understand, CM Saha said. The Chief Minister added that people were clear about what they wanted, what they needed and what they expected from the government and various levels of government institutions. So, the Opposition does not understand them. They are talking about the traditional hopes that they have been talking about. These are already backdated now. These will not be able to come in the future under any circumstances, he said. Chief Minister Saha also criticised the Opposition for questioning the electronic voting machines (EVMs) and the Election Commission (EC) after electoral defeats. I said yesterday that whenever they lose, they will only lose after losing. Whenever they lose, they blame the EVMs and Election Commission. And they have repeated the same in the aftermath of the declaration of the VC elections, he added. Meanwhile, of the total 4,594 seats in 587 Village Committees, BJP's tribal-based ally Tipra Motha Party (TMP) won 3,428 seats (74.61 per cent), while the BJP bagged 859 seats (18.70 per cent). Their other tribal-based ally, the Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT), secured 33 seats (0.72 per cent). The Opposition CPI-M bagged 87 seats (1.89 per cent), the Congress secured 14 seats (0.30 per cent), while Independents won 173 seats (3.77 per cent). The elections were held on September 28, with the final results declared early on Tuesday.
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Digital Desk | New Delhi/Agartala, Oct 6 (IANS) Union Parliamentary and Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju on Tuesday thanked the people of Tripura for reposing their faith and extending support to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the recent Village Committee elections. Rijiju, who hails from Arunachal Pradesh, expressed his appreciation over the NDA's landslide victory in the recently concluded Village Committee elections held in the areas under the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC). Taking to social media platform X, the Union Minister said: Tripura has spoken through the ballot. The Village Committee election results reaffirm the people's trust in the NDA and its commitment to development. Thank you, Tripura, for your continued faith and support. He added that in the TTAADC areas, the NDA alliance partners -- Tipra Motha Party (TMP) and the Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT) -- also secured a significant share of the seats, with the TMP winning the largest number of seats, followed by the BJP and IPFT. Sharing the seat position, Rijiju said that of the 4,320 seats secured by the NDA, the TMP won 3,428 seats, while the BJP and IPFT secured 859 and 33 seats, respectively. According to his post, the CPI-M secured 87 seats, while the Congress bagged 14 seats. The ruling BJP's tribal-based ally, TMP, continued to dominate Tripura's tribal areas, securing 74.61 per cent of the 4,594 seats in the Village Committees. According to officials, results for all 4,594 seats in 587 Village Committees under the TTAADC were declared early on Tuesday. Of the total 4,594 seats in 587 Village Committees, the TMP won 3,428 seats (74.61 per cent), while the BJP bagged 859 seats (18.70 per cent). Their other tribal-based ally, the IPFT, secured 33 seats (0.72 per cent). The Opposition CPI-M bagged 87 seats (1.89 per cent), the Congress secured 14 seats (0.30 per cent), while Independents won 173 seats (3.77 per cent). The Village Committees within the TTAADC areas are equivalent to Gram Panchayats in the non-TTAADC and non-tribal areas. The politically important elections to the 4,594 seats under 587 Village Committees were held on September 28, with the final results declared early on Tuesday.
People choose their leaders, but the exact opposite was happening under SIR: BJD MP Sulata Deo
Digital Desk | New Delhi, Oct 6 (IANS) Amid the INDIA bloc's protest against CEC Gyanesh Kumar, Biju Janata Dal MP Sulata Deo said that 27.5 lakh voters were omitted in the SIR process in Odisha, noting that in a democracy, people choose their leaders, but the exact opposite was happening here, with the leaders choosing who gets to vote. It has been proven in Dhamnagar in Bhadrak district, where the BLO raised an objection and came out and spoke about what was happening. Following this, the ERO was also suspended. Look, in Odisha, the names of around 27.5 lakh voters have been deleted in the SIR, and across India, the names of 13 crore voters have been deleted. What kind of democracy is this? This is not democracy at all, she said. Our leader Naveen Patnaik has only one motto to be with the people of Odisha. We are joining this protest. We are neither with the INDI alliance nor with the NDA. As a responsible political party, we are concerned about the names of people being deleted during the SIR. In Odisha, the names of around 27.5 lakh people have been deleted, Deo added. In democracy, people choose their representative, but what is happening today? Today the leader is choosing who is going to vote for them. If they support a certain party, then they are going to stay; if they are not, then they will be omitted. This has never happened before, she said. The lie around SIR has come forth, because Gyanesh Kumar has earlier said that all decisions were taken keeping the Supreme Court in the loop, but the Supreme Court commented that the CEC took no such steps, she said. How many lies is Gyanesh Kumar going to utter? the BJD leader asked. She also cited the controversy when, in March, an Election Commission letter was sealed with a Bharatiya Janata Party stamp, instead of the election bodys own stamp. We should have known since then that there are no loopholes in the system, but the entire system is hollow. CEC Gyanesh Kumar did not obey the Supreme Court, nor did he comply with his two colleagues (Election Commissioners) Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi, she added. Whom was he listening to? Which memorandums was he signing? The ones coming from the BJP office? Dont say you are the biggest democratic party in the world. You run on a whim, she said. In Dhamnagar, 227 minority voters in a single ward were deleted. Why? To oppose these actions, we are conducting this march. This is not the first time Naveen Patnaik sought CEC Gyanesh Kumars resignation. The entire vote is rigged, she said. The INDIA bloc MPs, holding Tricolours and banners carrying messages such as Save Democracy, raised slogans against the CEC, BJP and RSS as they proceeded towards the ECI office. Kharge and the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, along with several other INDIA bloc leaders, staged a dharna after being stopped from proceeding to the ECI headquarters.
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Digital Desk | Imphal, Oct 5 (IANS) Manipur Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh on Monday said that since the formation of the new government on February 4, 2026, the state government has been working tirelessly to facilitate the return of violence-affected internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their respective homes and villages. He said that the government has held several rounds of talks with representatives of various Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to bridge the trust deficit that has emerged due to the crisis. The Chief Minister made the statement on Monday at the distribution of benefits worth Rs 2,19,25,000 to eligible labour card holders, especially for IDPs, under the Special Scheme for financial assistance for education of children staying at relief camps and other schemes of the Manipur Building and Other Construction Workers Welfare Board (MBOCWWB) as part of the Seva Sankalp Abhiyan at the City Convention Centre, Palace Compound in Imphal. Khemchand Singh further expressed that sheltering in relief camps is not comfortable and that not being able to return to ones own home is deeply disheartening. He stated that the crisis has led to the suffering of innocent people in both the valley and the hills. Noting the positive outcome of the resumption of bus services along Imphal- Guwahati via Dimapur (Nagaland), the Chief Minister stated that it has lessened the burden on players participating in tournaments held outside the state and students studying outside Manipur, as airfares are expensive. He added that nearly 450 to 500 passengers are travelling using public transport services every day. In a significant development, inter-state passenger bus services between Manipur, Assam and Nagaland resumed on August 21 after a gap of more than three years. The Chief Minister maintained that the IDPs had fled their homes with nothing, and that the government has been making efforts to meet their needs through various Government schemes and basic needs. He informed that nearly 2,531 IDPs are being provided assistance through Direct Benefit Transfer and added that those IDPs who are yet to be registered should do so with the concerned authority to receive the assistance. Regarding Mission Pathshala, the state government is making every effort to ensure that the benefits reach the IDP students of the state. He also informed that frequent meetings are being held with representatives of the IDPs to address their grievances. Rajya Sabha MP Adhikarimayum Sharda Devi stated that extending assistance and support to the needy people of the state remains the governments foremost priority. Lauding Prime Minister Narendra Modis vision of empowering the weaker section of society, she said that they have been empowered by reaching out to the grassroots and implementing various beneficial schemes for the needy. She also lauded Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh for his courageous decision to visit Jiribam district by road, prioritising the welfare of the people of Manipur. During the programme, 2,531 beneficiaries were provided assistance of over Rs 1.42 crore under the Special Scheme for Financial Assistance for the Education of Children Staying in Relief Camps (IDPs). In addition, eight beneficiaries received assistance of around Rs 19 lakh under the Immediate Assistance in Case of Accident (Accidental Death) scheme, and 194 beneficiaries received around Rs 58,20,000 under the Natural Death Benefit scheme. Tourism and Art and Culture Minister Khuraijam Loken Singh, several MLAs, Chief Secretary Rajeev Singh Thakur and other officials attended the programme.
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